Analysis of Maltese Migration - The Case of Tripoli by Bernard Cauchi

Analysis
of
Maltese Migration
- The case of Tripoli -

By BERNARD J. CAUCHI

Braudel argues that a Mediterranean native could travel from port to
port and would feel quite at home in any part of the region but would
feel homesick and uneasy when leaving its shores.  To analyse the history
of the Maltese community in Tripoli, one should consider a psychological
dimension which is generally known as intergroup behavior. However, there
are other important factors to consider, such as the geographical and
historical contexts. Tripoli is a coastal oasis on the southern shore of
the Mediterranean, just a few hundreds of kilometers away from Malta,
which before the discovery of petroleum used to depend on agriculture and
fishing as its main economic modes. Under the protection of powerful
occupiers: the Knights and eventually the British, in view of the
surrounding world, the Maltese could look ahead with greater confidence,
in a more outgoing, secure manner.  Tripoli was also, until 1911, the
provincial capital of the Ottoman Empire. In the earlier part of the
nineteenth century, when the Maltese started emigrating to Tripoli, this
Empire was quickly declining. However, it would be also fair to point out,
as Attard remarks, that the Maltese entrepreneur began to approach the
shores of North Africa as traders, when previously most Maltese had
entered those areas as slaves captured by pirates.  

My main sources on this matter are the book by Romeo Cini, La Nostra
Storia and an interview of Carmelo Cassar of Fgura, by Profs Henri Frendo
in 1990 (see Appendix). These two sources lend themselves to compare and
contrast. Cini's book is a romanticized version of the story of these
heroes . It is full of sentiment, particularly patriotism and nation
pride, implying that to him this tripolitanian experience possesses a
deeper significance for him than mere economic necessity. His roots in
Tripoli, established by five consecutive generations, seem to be more
profound. However, of the same intensity is his love for his fatherland,
as shown by his speaking of Maltese, preserved after so many years. This
may confirm the importance of the element of personality variable together
with the environmental variable in conditioning the social behavior of a
group or person. On the other hand, Cassar's view of matters is less
romanticized and more economically minded, which - I think - means that
his roots were no deeper than his economic necessities. 

To picture a cross section of the Maltese community in Tripoli, I will
quote an experience written by Mario Vella in his book Reflections in a
Canvas Bag: 
I remember distinctly (I must have been ten or eleven [...]) being taken
by my grandfather to visit some friends of his. On being told that I was
an avid reader, they showed  me their modest library. I had read or was
uninterested in most of the little they had, (I recollect some Salagari,
bound volumes of fotoromanzi and loose back numbers of Il Monello) but my
eyes fell on a handsome leather bound tome. It was, to my great
disappointment, in Latin. [...] It was a commentary on the Summa Contra
Gentiles [Aquinas] for the clergy. But what struck me most of all was the
hand written dedication on the inner cover: "Al giovane Padre G. Che lo
possa assistere nella Sua opera missionaria in terra dAfrica per liberarla
dal dominio della menzogna seracina. Per Dio e per lItalia. Napoli,
[...],1912. F.P."  
One may notice, the various implications brought about by this experience
regarding our analysis of the experience of the Maltese community. Such
dimensions include the social life, education, culture, and religion with
its various ramifications. One could, at this point tackle these various
factors, in the light of the context of our two main sources. 

In the first decades of the 1800's, some Maltese pioneers left the island
venturing to Tripoli of Barbary, as it was then known. They were mainly
merchants, who covered vast territories, following caravans on horseback
or sailing to export to Malta purebred horses, utensils and provisions as
well as importing  from Malta seeds and other goods. This saw the
foundation of a community very well respected by the Turkish authorities
for their energetic enterprising spirit combined with the aim of
co-existing in peaceful harmony.  Carmelo Cassar confirms these economic
origins and mentions two motivations - one to make business - taking
merchandise from Tripoli, across the Libyan desert, to Sudan and back,
bringing other merchandise with them. The other regarded immigrants who
went there to seek their fortune, to find work , exploiting the still
virgin Libya, because of the economic depression in Malta. After the first
world war, many saw emigration as the only alternative as "nellarsenale ce
stato un licenziamento grande per mancanza di lavoro, quindi e venuto li a
Tripoli per lavorare e con laiuto di mio padre ha trovato lavoro nella
Societa Elettrica."  This statement gives a clear picture of what I think
is the typical immigrants situation. In Tripoli many Maltese would find
some members of his (extended) family already established there, so the
difference between Malta and Tripoli would be minimized. Cini comments
that, among the Europeans, the largest group was that of the Maltese.
They joined other Italian, Greek and Spanish and some stateless Armenians.
In the nineteenth century, other Maltese settled along the Libyan coastal
strip of the Gulf of Sirte and in Cyrenaica. They formed small
communities which were always united with that in Tripoli, whom they saw
as a point of reference. 
According to the statistics provided by J. Cassar Pullicino, the
population of the Maltese community rose from (in round figures), 1000
members in 1842 to 3000 in 1880 . Attard argues that the Italians did not
like the presence of the Maltese because they feared British influence.
Thus it is probable that the number of Maltese in Tripolitania and
Cyrenaica never rose to more than 3000.  On the other hand, Carmelo
Cassar, argues that the Maltese community, between 1900-1925/30 numbered
around 6000 people, however he says that fewer and fewer Maltese chose
Tripoli as their home: "We were all Maltese born, in the greater part, in
Tripoli". Both Cini and Cassar, mention the links that existed between
Malta and Tripoli - by means of sailing ship service and postal services.
However although many Tripolitanian Maltese such as Carmelo Cassar, often
visited Malta, others like Cini did not have this opportunity  instead
conserving their mysticized idea of their patria. This confirms the
importance of the different points of view of members of a community which
did not develop totally independent from its Maltese home.

The majority of the Maltese lived in the city(Citta Vecchia), protected by
a high wall known as the Cittadella. Other families lived in a quarter
situated on a height called Dahra (Dahra el Kebira, Dahra el Sghira). The
old quarter, situated near the sea and the marketplace, faced the Church
of Santa Maria degli Angeli, that was constructed from stone imported from
Malta, and built by Maltese workers. Thus this church was also known as
the church of the Maltese. Cini states that at that time, in Tripoli,
there were no more than 3000 Christians, many of whom Maltese. The social
life of the Maltese was, apparently, well organized and Cini says that the
only clubs existing in the heart of the European population were Maltese
ones, whose main identifying characteristic was the dancing of the
Quadriglia.  In the late nineteenth century they even succeeded in bringing
over full orchestras and highly rated singers from Malta. However the two
main events organized by the Maltese were the Vitoria, on the 8th of
September (National feast) and the Carnival. The Vitoria, considered as a
social reunion, was a yearly occurrence celebrated in a singular way. The
organisation of the greasy pole, attracted the attention of all the
population. This competition was known as the Maltese Giostra or Kukkanja.
The major prize would be the Maltese flag at the top. However, they used
the old Maltese flag - with the cross of the Knights. Taken at face value,
this may seem an ordinary thing, however, one may interpret this as their
myth of a heroic Malta - perhaps the victorious island after the Great
Siege of 1565. In fact, Cini remarks that, for a period of time, the
Giostra was transferred along the old road of the bastions, where there is
a mosque dedicated to Dragut "one of the greatest enemies of Malta".  The
carnival was another great source of entertainment organized by the
Maltese. The cheerful atmosphere was well accepted by the cosmopolitan
population. After the war, these activities became symbols of life coming
back to normality: "the grand and beautiful carnival parades, which always
finished with the big ball, started to be organized again." Other social
events were sporting activities and the playing of tombola. Many Maltese
played various musical instruments such as the guitar, the flute and the
mandolina. However, there was no organization of baned, the Banda ta Ndri
as mentioned by Cassar was only a small orchestra playing during marriage
ceremonies. The cafes and bars of the Nappa brothers, were made famous by
their ability in playing such musical instruments. After the war the Malta
House became the center of Maltese social life, as well as political
organisation of the Maltese community.
The Maltese community is portrayed by my sources as open to mingling with
other, especially common religion, communities. Carmelo, defines the
Maltese, the Italians and the Greeks as one community: "we were all
friends, we knew each other..."  When asked about his playmates, as a
child, Cassar answered that they played most with the Italians. The
Maltese found this interaction, especially with the Italians, relatively
easy, because  of the influence Italian language and culture had on
Maltese society. This might be one of two factors, either Maltese colonial
identity, or else their cosmopolitan nature which, generally, helps them
to adapt to different environments. Another social bondage factor was
religion. Cassar states that there were minimal differences in the social
condition of the Maltese, from that of the Italians and the Greeks: "...We
were all in the same category, except for the rich ones who led a better
life, however, the rest all lived in the same conditions, old houses, two
or three families staying in one house..."  However, Cassar clearly
distinguishes the social status of the Greeks from that of the Italians.
The Greeks were mainly fishermen, while the Italians occupied the top,
entepreneurial posts. I think, that the Maltese, mainly identified
themselves with, the ruling class - the Italians, with the exception of
some odious fascists, as Cassar explains. Nevertheless other Maltese who
were employees rather than employers, fishermen rather than investors,
must have identified themselves with the Greeks and minority classes. This
could be seen clearly during the war, when the Maltese, in the
concentration camps, used to help the poor slaves and the Jews. The Maltese
were on good terms with the local population (mutual respectability),
although they were also seen as the main source of labor 

Catholic education in Tripoli was under the responsibility of the Freres
of the De LaSalle Order. Until 1911, when the Italian occupied Libya, the
medium of education was French. However, after this date, as Cassar
confirms, scholastic teaching was in Italian reflecting an Italian type of
education. These schools were known as Scuole del Vicariato Appostolico
dei Fratelli Cristiani - the Italian branch of the LaSalle Order. Later,
with the influence of Italian families, State schools were founded. In the
post-war period, British education took over, however, the Catholic
schools remain open. One important aspect to observe is education for
girls. This was offered to them by the Suore Giuseppine. A relative of
Carmelo was described as cultured - a well-educated woman - unusual for
those days, especially in a North African country. Thus, education, seems
to have been an important aspect in determining the social status of a
person. Another important aspect is informal education. Carmelo Casser
mentions another relative , Felice Cassar, who, although never went to
school, was a self-thought chemist, fluent in six or seven languages.
Although this might be a little exaggerated, reality seems to have been a
relatively cultured society, as is also portrayed by Mario Vella, when
mentioning their modest library in the quote above.

Two points of view differ on the importance allocated to economic factors
by migrating Maltese. In the inter-war period, many Maltese migrated
because there was no work offered in the Maltese fortress economy. To a
certain extent the instinct for a place called home, weakened in front in
the struggle for survival. I do not think that there was anything so
dramatic, however, one may consider the importance of these factors. Cini
seems to suggest that the Maltese, first ventured to Tripoli, and then
"found good scope to develop their commercial activities."  In fact the
Maltese never involved themselves in political issues and rarely took a
political stand when they were not directly involved. They only seeking to
maintain good relations with their neighbors and with the rulers and
sought peace and harmony as much as they could. In the conflict between
the Arabs and the Italians in 1911, and in the post war period in the
insurrection of the Arabs against the Jews, they maintained neutrality. I
think that this forbade them from establishing deep roots in the country
in which they settled,  confirming the economic basis of their settlement.
This argument cannot be extended to their settlement in Australia for
example, where the Maltese are more politically involved.
The economic history of the Maltese community in Tripoli is full of
opportunism, successes, spirit of enterprise and arte darrangiarsi for
which the Southern Europeans are famous. The Maltese were mainly
merchants, contractors, shopkeepers, builders, bakers, fishermen,
bricklayers, carpenters. There were various employers with entrapreneurial
ability and with the faculty to invest, such as the uncle of Carmelo,
Riccardo Cassar, who invested in a mill and built a large block of
buildings Fonduco Cassar. The Maltese were indulged in commercial
activities, especially during the economic boom created by investments,
first by the Italians, in their bid to colonize Libya and then by the
Americans, in the post war period. Various Maltese surnames became
synonymous with different activities. Cini mentions, for example Carabot
and Aquilina (ironmongers), Ghirlando (shipping agency), Taliana and
Salinos (building industry), Cassar (tile industry), among others.
Cassars father, seeing the decline in working opportunities, decided to
create a machine to press olives to obtain oil: "industrializza ruhu"  For
this typical arte darrangiarsi ability, the market was  very important. It
was the place where to earn some money by selling ones products. Carmelo
gives a detailed description of the technique of making oil and how the
different members of society, bought this culinary necessity, according to
their financial means. 

In the Maltese parochial structure, religion was at the heart of Maltese
life just as the church was physically in the center of the village.  To a
certain extent, one can find this structure repeated in Tripoli, with the
Santa Maria degli Angeli, the centre of community life. However, one may
argue that religion was more important, for these immigrants, serving as a
factor of social bondage, rather than as an end in itself. In the post war
period, Padre Goffredo, is also an all round leader: he reorganized the
Catholic Association that became extremely active. In the bosom of this
association, several sporting activities and the Catholic Explorers were
born. In the sermon of Good Friday, by Maltese Franciscans, all the
Maltese attended, even the most skeptic. This suggests that this was more
of a social event (with nostalgic shades) rather than a spiritual
exercise. If confirmed, this would mean that the Maltese venture in Libya
is no heroic, missionary mission, as a Neapolitan, fervent Catholic would
believe (refer to M. Vella's quotation), showing that the Maltese had other
intention which they rated above the differences in religion.

Another important factor to consider is patriotism and national identity.
One can feel this sentiment more in Cini than in Cassar. Cini pictures the
Maltese community as an integral part of the city, yet distinguishing
itself from the unfailing patriotism which was faithfully transmitted from
generation to generation. "Maltese language was jealously preserved in our
homes with marked national pride: tied to Malta by sentimental bonds of
iron."  Cini relates that  when in 1949, he visited Malta for the first
time, "we cried at the salutation of Fort St Angelo, whose history we
knew."  In an article published in the Sunday Times, Dr George M. Boffa,
expresses himself in a similar, romanticized language: "The book La Nostra
Storia [Cinis] is also, in a patriotic sense, my story because it touches
the heart of every Maltese. It is the story of all those who were born
Maltese and who never forget this fact. [...] What Romeo[Cini] did not
know was that I too had tears in my eyes when I first read the manuscript.
Romeo describes a range of episodes and emotions..."  How far can it be
argued that their patriotism was based on a mythicized Malta, a fossilized
idea (use of the Knights cross), two hundred years old. This would be
contradicted by the constant influx of new members for three fourths of
the Maltese stay in Tripoli, bringing with them new concepts of the
patria. People like Carmelo Cassar, with a closer, more real link with
Malta seems to give a picture closer to reality : he played more with
Italian children...  Another dimension in this debate is the Maltese
colonial identity - shades of British patriotism - failing to renounce
British citizenship and adhere to the Fascist Party, even if the Maltese
suffered from discrimination as a consequence. This vision of the mother
of the commonwealth was destroyed when the British showed absolute
insensibilty to the Maltese request for compensation in the post war
period. The Maltese identity can be generally described as typical of the
Mediterranean region, although this remains a question, one of the many
empty pieces in the whole picture.(See some of them in Appendix 2)

Today , the Maltese Tripolitanian community is spread in various countries
as "we felt like intruders in the country of our birth to which we and our
predecessors had dedicated our very existence" .This is a very deep
reflection on ones past. But actually, most of the Maltese in Tripoli had
no deep roots in that North African country. This is the story of a
community which had to move four times - from Malta to Tripoli, from
Tripoli to Italy (war), back to Tripoli and to the various destinations.
Romeo Cini and other Maltese decided to settle in Australia.
Unfortunately, I have no information about any return for good to Malta.
In Australia, after the inevitable cultural shock, the optimistic Romeo
started to appreciate the new continent. The difference was that Australia
was much more distant from their patria. However, after some years,
showing great ability for adaptation, the Maltese started to settle down
in a totally new environment - on the humanas well as on the physical
environment level. Still, they identified themselves with the Tripolitanian
community - forming the Tripoli Association of Melbourne and establishing
the journal Corriere Tripolino of Melbourne. All this was aimed at sharing
the tears and the joys of a community which strives to live on. Cini
concludes by suggesting to the new generations to respect traditions. 

Bibliography

Attard, L. Maltese Emigration in Malta: Culture and Identity.(ed H.Frendo
and O.Friggieri)

Boffa,G.M. Forgotten Heroes, in  The Sunday Times, February 27, 1994

Cassar,Carmel,  Everyday life in Malta in Nineteenth and Twentieth
Centuries in British Colonial Experience(ed. V.Mallia-Milanes), Mireva
Academic Publications, 1988

Cassar Carmelo, Interview.  Fgura, 1990 - see Appendix

Cini, Romeo La Nostra Storia, 1992

Frendo, H.  Maltese Identity in Malta: Culture and Identity.(ed. H.Frendo
and O.Friggieri)

Frendo, H. Maltese Colonial Identity in British Colonial Experience (ed.
V.Mallia-Milanes), Mireva Academic Publications, 1988

Vella, M. Reflections in a Canvas Bag. PEG Ltd, 1989.
  
Appendix 2

Some subjects which I liked to tackle with Dr. Mario Vella, for which I am
expecting an answer. This may throw a different light on issues tackled in
this assignment:

 Ethnic origins - why did you (your family) go to Libya
 Education - how did it influence your upbringing 
 Memories of every day life
 Social aspect - where did you live, Maltese standard of living
 The Maltese community relation with other communities
 Existent opportunities in the country
 Political Thoughts - what is their relation with ones roots in that
country.
 Patriotism - is it a myth. What is the role of religion in this?
 Maltese Identity vesus the Mediterrranean Identity. What about the
experience of the Maltese who were forced to move?
 The trip back to Malta. What is the idea of Malta (how does it match
reality?). Thoughts on two different cultures
 


Bernard J. Cauchi
May 1997

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